There is some dispute about who actually came up with the phrase "axis of evil." Ex-speechwriter David Frum's wife claimed in a famous e-mail that he did, but others maintain that he came up with "axis of hatred," which was later rehoned as "axis of evil" by chief speechwriter, Michael Gerson (whom George Bush called "Scribe.") In any case, the character is a composite and the dialogue in the scene is invented (although the political and historical views of the characters are, we believe, accurate and within the scope of their real viewpoints.)

For instance, when Colin Powell talks about "containment," he is referring to a policy formulated by George Kennan, a career Foreign Service officer who, in 1947, formulated the policy of "containment," the basic United States strategy for fighting the cold war (1947-1989) with the Soviet Union. Kennan's ideas, which became the basis of the Truman administration's foreign policy, first came to public attention in 1947 in the form of an anonymous contribution to the journal Foreign Affairs, the so-called "X-Article." "The main element of any United States policy toward the Soviet Union," Kennan wrote, "must be that of a long-term, patient but firm and vigilant containment of Russian expansive tendencies." To that end, he called for countering "Soviet pressure against the free institutions of the Western world" through the "adroit and vigilant application of counter-force at a series of constantly shifting geographical and political points, corresponding to the shifts and maneuvers of Soviet policy." Such a policy, Kennan predicted, would "promote tendencies which must eventually find their outlet in either the break-up or the gradual mellowing of Soviet power." (http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/cwr/17601.htm). Both Powell and, to a lesser extent, Condi Rice, believed in the efficacy of this policy.

On the other side of the argument were the neo-conservatives, who believed in a more proactive American military presence in the world and, in 1997, formed a group called Project for a New American Century (PNAC). Among the founders and members of PNAC were Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard Perle, William Kristol, Jeb Bush, Dan Quayle, Elliott Abrams, and I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby. Among the key positions for PNAC's position paper, "Rebuilding America's Defenses," published in September 2000, were that “North Korea, Iran, Iraq or similar states [should not be allowed] to undermine American leadership, intimidate American allies, or threaten the American homeland itself." To preserve a global Pax Americana through the 21st century, the PNAC report concludes that the global order “must have a secure foundation on unquestioned U.S. military preeminence.”

The report struck a prescient note when it observed that “the process of transformation is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event—like a new Pearl Harbor.” (http://www.dkosopedia.com/wiki/Project_for_the_New_American_Century)

On September 11, 2001, they unfortunately got their "new Pearl Harbor."

And the neo-con war plans moved into high gear.

"I'm a war president," Bush told Tim Russert on Meet the Press in lieu of explaining his foreign policy. "I'll speak as plainly as I can. One thing is for certain about me, and the world has learned this: When I say something, I mean it."

Every discussion of the war on terrorism turns on an expression of firm resolve, as if the president had to pass only a test of will and not also one of judgment.

Everything is personalized: "You tell your people that the president looked you in the eye and told you that he would stick with you," he said to Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf. "I'm here for a reason," he told Karl Rove after the terror attacks, "and this is how we're going to be judged." It puts presidential decision making beyond the reach of rational argument or even explanation. As a result, the administration famously never admits a mistake, never declares a policy change in response to failure or criticism, always had known all along what it has only just been obliged to start acknowledging now. Inflexibility has become a point of vanity with this presidency, but what begins in personality ends in ideology, from the war in Iraq to the single-minded pursuit of tax cuts.

When asked about public opinion, he says, "As to whether or not I make decisions based upon polls, I don't. I just don't make decisions that way." (http://www.motherjones.com/commentary/columns/2004/07/07_200.html)

And at that point in his Presidency, the polls were totally with him. For instance, when Karl Rove cites Bush's 80% approval ratings in January, 2002, before the "Axis of Evil" speech, they had actually settled down from an historic high of 92% on October 9, 2001, when "One month after the terrorist attacks of September 11, President Bush achieved the highest approval rating of any president since modern polling began." (http://blog.washingtonpost.com/behind-the-numbers/2007/07/approval_highs_and_lows.html)

VICE PRES. CHENEY: This president is betting his presidency on the importance of fighting the war on terror, of recognizing that 9/11 changed everything, of adopting a strategy that’s going to make this nation safer and more secure for our kids and grandkids. And it takes a president willing to take a risk, willing to use the power of the United States, to make that happen. And this president’s done it. (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3080244/)